Amjad Nazeer

(July 2010)

Introduction:

Sociologically feminism can be defined as,….”a movement for social, cultural, political and economic equality of men and women. Though the issues of feminism might vary from culture to culture but they are globally tied together in their campaign to end gender-based discriminatory practices – and violence – against women”. No singular feminist perspective or unified theoretical framework exists around but essentially they all agree that socially and culturally institutionalized patriarchy and hierarchical structure of power between men and women are the source of all forms of violence and discrimination against women.

Demonstrating, how women-specific-violence is far more serious in its nature and effects, lacunas in the international human rights law (IHRL) and international humanitarian law (IHL) will be pinpointed from a feminist perspective. Women’s rights are pushed to the margins of IHRL and IHL, save offering additive and compartmentalized protections during armed conflicts and genocides. No denying a fact that remarkable changes are underway but in terms of structure and content, the law is inherently deficient and biased. Other than enforcement problem, overdeveloped role of the patriarchal state and societal-order also cause a barrier towards change. Where improvements are admirable, its impact and behavioural change is yet to be seen (Gardam J. 1998). Feminists claim that both national and international law is gendered, putting it rightly, male-gendered, conceptually, technically and procedurally. Jurisprudential framework and substance largely favour men (Fellmeth, A.X. 2000, 268-270). Drawing on feminist theory and research methodology, the proposal in hand aims to underline violence against women, particularly during genocides and armed conflicts, and proposes adequate reforms in the legal and political structures to eliminate the evil.

Violence against Women during Genocide and Armed Conflicts:

Ethnic cleansing or wilful elimination of an entire social group by violent means, spurred by the state or a powerful faction of society, constitutes genocide. Civil war, war over religions, territories and ethnicity between one or more than one groups, happening internally or internationally, characterizes armed conflict. Although mass killing of men is inseparable from genocides and armed conflicts, women are specifically subjected to brutal physical violence and sexual assaults. Mostly it is women who face the terribly intensive, horrifying and bestial acts of violence in a genocidal situation and at times in armed conflicts too. Violent bands usually rape, humiliate and torture women to disgrace an adversary, a separatist group or a warring faction. History is witness that women have been brutally assaulted in Indian Gujrat 2002, Bosnia 1995, Rwanda 1994, Uganda 1979, East Pakistan 1971, Cambodia 1970-1975, Nanjing 1937 and several other places of conflict (Mojab, S. 2003: 1-2, Stewart, J.G: 2003, 313-315).

Horrendous torture was inflicted upon Tutsi women in Rwandan 1994. Coupled with rape, spears, arrows or sharp objects were pierced into their vaginas or women were shot into their genitals. Characteristic organs of Tutsi women such as pointed nose or long fingers were cut off. Tutsi women were rewarded to Hutu men for killing maximum Tutsis. Women were forced to have sex in exchange for temporary shelter or held captive for sexual slavery by the youth militia or military. (AI, 2004: 2-5). Abdomens of pregnant women were slashed open to throw their foetuses into the fire during the genocidal attacks on Muslim minorities in Indian Gujrat 2002. Along with sexual assault Hindu religious symbols were carved on women’s bodies. Bharat mata, ‘the motherland of India’ was ideologically blended with the persona of Hindu women. Retrospective Muslim rule, interpreted as the mythological rape of Hindu women, justified the rape of Muslim women to reclaim the motherland of India (IIJ, 2003: 4-21). In the former Yugoslavia, striping off, public assault and humiliation of women was used as weapon of terror and ethnic cleansing.

The pattern of violence suggests that women’s bodies are particular site of brutalities with innovative forms of torture during a conflict. Their bodies are assumed to be the reproductive medium of an ethno-religious identity (Sarkar, T. 2002). In their violent attempt of shifting the demographic ratio, the rapists describe their act as changing the victim’s identity that reflects nationalist patriarchal notion of male ‘germ’ constituting an identity and woman’s body serving as medium. Humiliating women is perceived vital in constructing the masculine image of patriotic nationalist order (Panwani J. 16, IIJ 2003: 30).

Rape often results in pregnancy, disease, divorce, stigma and stereotyping. Avoiding ‘shame’ victim women are usually abandoned or killed by their male relatives (Rowland, R. 1995: 12). Rape survivors and widows are discriminated or ostracised within their own communities. Contracting HIV/AIDs, fistula, trauma and other psychological disorders cause social humiliation. Many keep silent fearing stigmatization and marginalization. Many do not seek medical assistance, even if it is available, to cover the ‘shame’ of having been raped. Others can never get married (Al 2004: 5-7). Law enforcement agencies remain silent or collaborate with the powerful during genocides or armed conflicts. Numerous criminals cannot be brought to justice because of the patriarchal biases of the judges and prosecutors (AI 2005).

Inadequacy of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law:

‘Intent’ or deliberate inflicting on group the conditions bringing about its physical destruction’ is defining characteristic of genocide, emphasising on ‘the purpose of the offender’ not the ‘outcome.’ For women the ‘outcome of rape’ is as serious as ‘intent’. The term ‘genocide’ and its’ subsequent definition ignores several aspects and impacts of genocide, women specifically experience. Therefore feminists prefer using ‘gendercide[3]‘ i.e. sex-selective mass killing, coined by Marry A. in 1985.  It sounds neutral but the rubric mostly covers humiliation and rape of women followed by murder (Gendercide Watch 2010). Gendercide happens both in times of peace and war. Nation-building, state-formation, identity-preservation and patriarchal culture are the key culprits causing genocide and armed conflicts. It is not a mere coincidence that patriarchy and state-violence go side by side. Actually all the state apparatuses and institutions are intertwined with patriarchal structure. Feminists argue that violence against men is classified as a matter of public concern, calling for state intervention, while rape and torture against women is identified as a private matter to be resolved by the individuals implicated (Fellmeth, X.A 2000: 668).

Suffering from a prolonged and deafening silence, it was only after the ICTY[4] 1995, that sexual violence against women was declared as grave breaches of human rights. Still the provisions of IHL and its subsequent protocols dealing with the protection of women address women’s issues in relationship to men not as a subject on their own right. The clauses dealing with ‘women’s honour’ actually call for protecting the attributes seen important to men, say modesty, chastity or reproductive role of women. The concept of men’s honour, however is complicated, mainly circulating around his mental integrity. The said law assumes harms to ‘a person’ as harm to the state. States normally feel reluctant in claiming compensation for the persons politically and economically less significant i.e. mostly women. The UN Compensation Commission pertaining to Armed Conflict, however, recognizes claims for mental and bodily harm resulting from sexual assault but in practice the progress is slow. Protecting girl-child in armed conflicts, who are equally vulnerable, still receives little attention. Fair-trial demands and need for protecting victim and witness women remains tenacious, not necessarily inconsistent (Gardam & Charlseworth 2010).

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Although UN World Conference (1993) declared violation of women’s human rights as violations of fundamental human-rights principles and humanitarian law, stressing on states’ effective response and laying emphasis on integrating women’s rights into the mainstream of human rights that was followed by the declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women acknowledging women’s vulnerability during armed conflicts (Fraser A. 1999). But the existing regime does not consider the reality of women in letter and spirit, feminists believe. Once again the lacklustre behaviour of the state was observed in case of horrible sexual abuses against women in Rwanda. Deplorably, it took four years in prosecuting the first rapist and that too after a massive pressure from international women activists. Reports suggest that sexual violence against women in various types of conflicts is rather on the rise (Judith Gardam, 1998).

More than a decade down the road, it is clear that Vienna’s success was limited. Despite its own assertion to ‘integrate women’s rights in the UN system’ women’s concerns continue to be marginalized. It even fails to insert the word ‘women’ where ‘racial’ religious, ethnic, linguistic, or other forms of oppression make a mention. Women’s issues are lumped together on the margins. In reality, women face multiple oppressions, and ‘additive approach’ can hardly address it. Claiming rights as part of a group is easier than evoking provisions of gender-based discrimination and violence. IHRL’s and IHL’s tendency of ignoring or trivializing women’s human rights is still the same. Women’s point of reference is far removed from the international jurists undermining the range and impact of abuses on women. Entirety of their experiences falls ‘outside’ the scope of those theorizing and formulating law. Despite working group’s enormous efforts, their recommendations could hardly move beyond the preliminary documents (Mertus & Goldberg 2000).

Authorising the state to eliminate abuses holds little significance to women as it means more powers to men and patriarchal orders within the state. State-sovereignty structurally undermines men’s oppression of women. Manoeuvring public-private classification, men halt state intervention to eliminate injustices. The very division is manipulative, failing to contribute in policy measures favouring women. Women suffer violence more at the hands of men than from the state. Little change, hence-while, has occurred despite state’s commitment in CEDAW to eliminate sexism from their societies. Several states are still reluctant even to sign in CEDAW (Fellmeth, X.A. 2000: 669-677, 695). The terms ‘people’ and ‘everyone’ used in UDHR ignores the fact of men wielding power and subjugating women. Subordinating compliance to the politics of culture UN undermines built-in violence against women. Male dominated definitions of ‘rights’ and ‘freedoms’ make women’s rights’ infringement invisible (Rowland, R.  1995: 9). Given the present order, holding expectations from the state to free women from cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment is a wild goose chase (Charlesworth & Chinkin 2000).

A Feminist Approach towards the Issue:

Ontologically, reality is a social construct. So is the knowledge. Therefore, social deconstructionist[5] methodology to analyse, and constructivist approach[6] to resolve the problem are the most appropriate for the purpose. This simple idea holds profound implications in favour of women. Like all social knowledge, it presumes, IHRL & IHL has been created, framed and expanded or limited by our own experiences. Shaped and constructed by men, the present international regime, reflects and promotes their perceptions of reality and interests. Precisely, deconstructionist approach could be described as “signifying a project of critical thought whose task is to locate and ‘take apart’ those concepts which serve as the axioms or rules for a period of thought[7].” From a feminist perspective, this method deconstructs, analyzes and understands the rules and values constructed by men, critique them, and strives to reconstruct knowledge form women’s point of view. This method exposes the underlying prejudices and assumptions of the apparently gender-neutral laws. Despite their diversified theoretical positions most feminists agree on the strength and outcome of this method. Coupled with the deconstructivist method, feminist practical reasoning as a method of research can also help understanding women’s perspective, their feelings and experiences. The method prefers context, diversity and individual experiences over the abstract theories and notions, usually constructed by men. Disciplines like Sociology and Political Science are overly inclined towards generalizing social realities often ignoring disparities based on gender (Fellmeth, X.A: 2000).

What is significantly different and important in this approach is examining what’s happening around and how to combat it through a women’s lens, keeping in mind not to isolate women from multiplicity of factors affecting human rights. It observes that the ‘additive approach’ of putting women’s concerns within the masculinity-defined categories and theories without altering the existing frameworks – of  power, politics, rights and freedoms – is no less than a forced fusion bound to fail in practice. Conventional approach and women’s rights cannot coexist. It is the epistemological framework that is meant to change entirely (Mertus & Goldberg 2010).

Contrasting conventional human-rights theorization – which is abstract, deductive and hierarchical – feminist approach is empirical, considerate and compassionate. It is self-conscious, tentative and rooted into the socio-political and economic realities. Conventional jurisprudence, essentialising human persons as legal entities, boils down international human rights into international politics. In-depth analysis reveals law to be inherently a gendered and oppressive system, vehemently purported by liberal nation-states. Feminist analyses underpin the insights of life that women experience differently from women (Binyon G. 1995: 2-5).

Several questions need to be raised while looking at the inherent lacuna of IL and its’ failure to address violence against women in genocides and armed conflicts. Say, who constitutes law and in which socio-cultural context? It must be asked who is looking into the problem and how does he interpret it? What is the focus of his – as it is mostly a man – investigation? What does he infer from the way it occurred? How representative is the jury mainly with respect to gender? How much closer or removed the jurists are from reality? Whose views count? Also, questioning the place of ‘rape’ in domestic and international system of law is crucial.

Broadly it is important to ask whether the problem is being addressed as a human-rights problem or simply a breach of law. Are structural or institutional factors being considered? In other words, asking a women-question, that feminists always do, is very important. Questioning how the norms, practices and rules affect women is equally essential? This is less important to ask what efforts states are making to prevent violence against women. What is important to ask is whether the state is struggling to change the processes and material conditions that regenerate male oppression and violence? What are the norms and values tolerating, condoning or supporting violence? In what manners state and patriarchal institutions encourage these conditions, why and who benefits from (Julie Mertus & Pamela Goldberg 2010)?

A Feminist Way Forward:

The proposed research stresses on more inclusive, diversified and broad-based international human rights framework. A more expansive and broader epistemology of human rights will emerge from women’s leadership, input and experiences. As a result an integrated spectrum of human-rights will come along with potential measures to eliminate gender-based violences. Examining human-rights with a gender-lens is almost a new strategy, more realistic and human-friendly, removed from bureaucratic, hierarchical and conventional complexes, woven by men in their favour. This approach is meant to dismantle public-private dichotomy suggesting viewing violence against women as violence against a dignified human person. It proposes to place systematic violence and oppression against women together with all other forms of systematic violences. Demanding women’s equal representation in the institutions of power, justice and law enforcement agencies, it strives for a revolution.

Based on genuine and in-depth agreement of both men and women, including the flexibility of agreeing to disagree, it is the most powerful approach of understanding and constituting law.  Balancing law, by removing its lope sided tendencies, justice can follow through. With feminist efforts will help incorporating not only women’s experiences but of all the oppressed and powerless sections of society. A re-examination of Geneva Conventions, IHL, IHRL and UDHR from women’s perspective is demanded, calling for a substantial change in content not of form only. Women assuming the leadership and decision making role in resolving and transforming conflicts, the problems might be resolved or at least minimised quickly. Precisely, inclusion and plurality is the essence of feminist approach. Broader outcome of feminist contribution in human rights is not women-specific; rather it engenders a profound impact for the betterment of whole society.

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References Cited:

Books, Reports and Articles:

Aaron Xavier Fellmeth 2000, Human Rights Quarterly No. 22, pp.658–733, Johns Hopkins University Press, USA.

Arvonne S. Fraser 1999, on Becoming Human: The origins and Development of Women Human Rights, No. 21.4, 853-906, John Hopkin University Press, USA.

Amnesty International: India: 2005, Three years later still no justice for the victims of violence in Gujrat, Public Report, 25 February 2005.

Gayle Binyon 1995, Human Rights, A feminist perspective, Human Rights Quarterly, 17.3, 209-526, John Hopkin University Press.

Hillary Charlesworth & Christine Chinkin 2000, The boundaries of International law: A Feminist Analysis, Manchester University Press, UK.

International Initiative of Justice, 2003, Threatened Existence: A Feminist Analysis of the Genocide in Gujarat, Judith D. Gardam, 1998, International Review of the Red Cross, No. 324, Women, Human Rights and the International Humanitarian Law, Please see: .…………., Site hit on July 14, 2010 at 17: 47.

James G. Stewart 2003, Towards a single definition of armed conflict in international humanitarian law: a critique of internationalized armed conflict, IRRC, Vol- 85. No. 850.

Rowland, Robin 1995, Human rights discourses and women: Challenging the rhetoric with reality, in Symposium: Human rights and the sociological project, ANZJS Volume 31, No.2, August 1995.

Sarkar, Tanika 2002, Semiotics of Terror: Muslim women and children in Hindu Rashtra, Economic and Political weekly, July 13, 2002.

Shahrazad Mojab, 2003, Kurdish Women in the zone of genocide and gendercide, Al-Raida, Volume 21, No. 103, Fall 2003,

Web Sources:

Amnesty International, 05 April 2004, See:……….., Site hit on July 07, 13:14,

Definition of Feminism, Ezine Articles, See: ……….. Site hit on July 07, 2010, at 09:26hrs

Definition of Feminism, See: Site hit on July 07, 2010, at 12:29 hrs.

Gendercide Watch 2010, What is Gendercide,  Site hit on July 02, 2010 at 13.hrs.

Jyoti Panwani, 2003, Communalism combat completes a decade, See:…… Site hit on July 2010, 22:36 hrs.

Judith Gardam 1998, Women, Human Rights and International Humanitarian law, International Review of the Red Cross, No. 324, Please see:

Judith Gardam & Hillary Charlesworth Women in Armed Conflict: protection of Women in Armed Conflict. See: Site hit on. July 2010, at 15:46 hrs.

Julie Mertus & Pamela Goldberg, 2010, A perspective on women and international human rights after the Vienna declaration: the inside/outside construct, See … Site hit on July 13, 2010 at 17:37 hrs., reproduced with permission from the copyright holder. Please cite as 26 New York University, Journal of International Law and Politics 201.

OHCHR, Slavery Convention signed at Geneva on 25 September 1926, See: ..., Site hit on July 09, 2010 at 13:34 hrs.

Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy 2004, See:  http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminism-class/, Site hit on July 7, 2010, at 17:52 hrs.

What is Feminist Deconstruction: http://deconstructingwoman.com/articles/about/, Hit on July 14, 2010 at 09:15.

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[1] The author is a human rights activist and works for an  international NGO in Pakistan

[2] Definition of Feminism, See:…..

[3] Marry A Waren first coined in the term in her book, Gendercide: The implications of sex selection in 1985. She says that, by analogy, gendercide would be the deliberate extermination of persons of a particular sex (or gender)…. The term also calls attention to the fact that gender roles have often had lethal consequences, and that these are in important respects analogous to the lethal consequences of racial, religious, and class prejudice” Her analysis mainly focuses of anti-female gendercide. Source: Gendercide Watch.

[4] International Criminal Tribune on Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).

[5] The method was popularised by the philosopher Jacques Derida but later on used by several social scientists to analyse social problems, Sociologists in particular.

[6] Constructivism is a theory of knowledge or .. arguing that that humans generate knowledge and meaning from their experiences. The approach draws on the constructivist and … ideas of ….. Piaget’s theory of constructivist has had wide ranging impact on…. Please See:

[7] David D. Allison as cited in What is Feminist Deconstruction:  http://deconstructingwoman.com/articles/about/,

The author is a peace and human rights activist in Pakistan
Article Source

Fortunately, there’s help out there for them, and it comes in the form of a book on the subject of dating a t-girl written by the vivacious Amber Lynn.  The price is right — Amber gives it away for free — but the advice she gives is priceless.  I recently had a chance to chat with Amber, and she told me about herself, the book and what someone can get from reading what she has to share.  Amber is a twenty-five year old pre-op transsexual, and by any objective measure, she’s quite a catch: she’s smart, she’s beautiful, and she’s got a kind soul.  Anyone would be lucky to have her in their life, and should they manage to capture her heart, well, that’s a winning lottery ticket. 

Like many of us, she’s in the middle of the process of right-sexing herself.  At the time of this writing, Amber says that she’s been on hormone therapy for about a year, that she’s had breast augmentation and that she has many more miles to go on her journey towards being her true self.  “For now, I’m so happy each day that I’m able to live more on my terms, in the gender that I feel is natural for me,” she says.  “Life isn’t perfect, but it’s pretty good.”

On dating, Amber told me that she “started noticing a common theme among most of the men that I dated. They all seemed to have entirely the wrong understanding about me. Some called me a shemale, while some just assumed I existed solely for their sexual gratification. Many were insensitive or just had no idea what a t-girl goes through.” 

In that, she noticed a common theme. “The irony was that they were all great guys who just didn’t know how to respond to me so I started helping them understand. What started out as me trying to educate guys I was dating, kind of took on a life of its own and I have gradually become known as a transgender dating coach,” she says. “My personal dating experiences as a transsexual seem to put me in an ideal position to help men understand what transgender women really need and want in a romantic relationship.”

Author and Dating Coach Amber Lynn

That’s where she took action.  Instead of leaving the guys that were clueless foundering in a wasteland, she decided that sharing insight on the right way to go about things was a good thing for her to do. “I created an eBook that I call the T-Girl Dating Guide for lack of a more clever title,” said Amber.   Along the way, her writing project expanded, as well.   Not only did the scope of her book expand, but she also added a subscription option to help folks along. “[My book] was originally intended for men who are attracted to T-Girls but something interesting has happened. A lot of the subscribers are T-Girls who want to learn more about transgender dating, and even some women who want to know more about the subject. I have been very pleasantly surprised at the response. I have over 1000 subscribers that have downloaded the T-Girl Dating Guide and joined my mailing list. If I may make a shameless plug, it’s all free and available for instant download at www.tggirlfriends.com.“

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Not a problem.  More than a few people could use that link.

From that starting point, we had a great conversation where it’s best to let Amber share her thoughts unedited and unexpurgated.  As I mentioned before, she is intelligent and thoughtful, and every word she has to say makes perfect sense, not only to a man interested in dating a t-girl, but also to t-girl everywhere.

Tina: Why should a man interested in dating a transgendered woman seek advice? Don’t they want to be treated just like any other girl typically would?

Amber: You are absolutely right about transgendered women wanting to be treated like any other girl would. It sounds so simple but it’s one of the major deal breakers I’ve seen with men seeking T-Girl romance. The main problem is that most men have learned about T-Girls from the sex industry — on porn sites, in XXX videos or from the T-Girl escorts who exchange sex for money. In the sex industry such T-Girls are known as shemales, and the overt sexual connection is obvious. Unfortunately though, most T-Girls don’t work in the sex industry and we’re offended by the term shemale. Any man that calls me a shemale is (perhaps unintentionally) calling me a sex worker. I am not! I have spoken with a lot of different types of T-Girls in chat rooms, on message forums and in person. We all seem to have some transgender term that we prefer to use to refer to ourselves. A few may even embrace the term shemale but most of us are repulsed by it so transgender admirers should pay close attention to my advice on this matter.

Tina: What in your opinion makes someone (and the term makes me shudder a little) a stereotypical “tranny-chaser?”

Amber: Tranny chasers are those guys who don’t have a clue. The perception is that they are interested only in their own satisfaction, and that (to them) T-Girls are sex objects to be enjoyed or conquered. They are the guys that log into a chat room and instantly type in “a/s/l” (age/sex/location) or ask if there are any shemales that want to go down on him. It’s as if they don’t get it, that these T-Girls are real humans with feelings, needs and desires of their own. If a man gives the perception that he’s only interested in sex then he’s going to be labeled a tranny chaser or a troll and he’ll be shot down by virtually all the T-Girls I know, and he’ll never know why. It’s a shame really, because a lot of these men are really nice guys.

Tina: How can a fellow avoid that dubious label?

Amber: Much of what I do is try to provide information that will help men achieve success. Let’s face it — some men are going to be self-centered and arrogant. They aren’t the ones that will take the time to read my T-Girl Dating Guide anyway. That is probably best because a girl can use his behavior as a barometer of whether she wants to get to know him or not. T-Girls should demand respect and mutually rewarding relationships, just as any woman should. So, the men who are serious about dating T-Girls, and I don’t think that’s such a bad thing, will take the time to learn about the transgender community. They will read and join discussion forums, engage in friendly social chats and perhaps read my dating guide to gain knowledge and understanding. That will help them avoid the negative stereotypes and it will help them achieve T-Girl dating success, where the relationship is positive for both parties.

Tina: Do you have any success stories where someone has used the information you present, and used it as a guide to forge a successful and lasting relationship?

Amber: I enjoy people and one of the most rewarding things for me is getting feedback from online friends. I’ve heard from a number of people who have found the information in dating guide to be helpful.

One of my early success stories stands out in my mind. I met a gentleman named James on a dating site. He referred to me as a shemale and seemed more focused on having sex with me than getting to know me. But he was also interesting and intriguing, and came off as a pretty nice guy. I learned he was actually looking for a long-term relationship. I corresponded with him and eventually we began dating. I explained to James about the different types of T-Girls and what we go through, along with my own needs and desires. I found that he was willing and even eager to learn, and he really was a gentleman after all. I just had to give him a chance, and let him know my boundaries. We dated about 6 months but then I had an opportunity to move to New York. He couldn’t leave his job so we painfully decided it was best to break it off and continue as friends. I still talk to James often. He is a wonderful man. He has found a new T-Girl love and they have been dating for 2 months. It seems they’re working things out and I’m happy for both of them.

Tina:  Any advice for the other side of the coin — what advice would you give a transgendered woman in her pursuit for healthy and happy relationship with a man?

Amber T-Girls need to realize they are special and desirable. We need to set a higher standard for the men we date, just as any woman should do. We shouldn’t settle for a user, a cheater or a selfish, arrogant man. We deserve to be treated with respect and we should expect a mutually rewarding relationship.

No T-Girl needs to be sitting home alone on Saturday night. I used to sit at home wondering if anyone could ever love me, but then I discovered the truth. Believe me; we all have lots of options. It’s just a matter of making yourself available. I’ll be talking more about this in the second edition of my dating guide.

So, finding dates should be no problem, but finding Mr. Right will take a little more effort, just as it does for any other woman. Don’t ever settle for anything less than a healthy and happy relationship.

Tina: You’re a beautiful woman. Surely you get lots and lots of offers…right? (smiles… you surely have to if an old crow like me does)

Amber: (laughs) I do get a lot of offers, some from men who should’ve read my T-Girl Dating Guide first. One of the interesting paradoxes I’ve noticed is that T-Girls are in short supply, at least relative to the number of admirers.  Men need to realize this and step up their game if they truly desire transgender romance.

Tina: What’s next for Amber? A sequel or second edition?

Amber: I have been working my fingers to the bone! I’m working on a second edition of the T-Girl Dating Guide which will include more information about what a T-Girl should look for in a romantic relationship. I’m also learning how to shoot photos and videos so I’m reaching out with a Youtube channel also. I spend a lot of time networking on Facebook and Twitter as well. This has been a fun and effective way to meet new friends and get my message out.

Tina: In conclusion, ever the gracious person she, Amber had this to end our time together:

Thank you for the interview. What great questions! It has been a pleasure meeting you Tina.

Article Source

“Feminism is the radical notion that women are people”.

Cheris Kramarae & Paula Treichler

Amjad Nazeer[1]

Introduction:

In plain terms feminism can be defined as,….”a movement for social, cultural, political and economic equality of men and women. Though the issues of feminism might vary from culture to culture but they are globally tied together in their campaign to end gender-based discriminatory practices against women[2]“. No singular feminist perspective or unified theoretical framework exists around. The most prominent ones’ are radical feminism, socialist, modern, post-modern and liberal feminism. But this distinction hardly matters to discuss and underline feminist contribution to our understanding of genocide, slavery, segregation and apartheid that this article is meant for. Most feminists agree that socially and culturally institutionalized patriarchy and unequal distribution of power between men and women are the source of violence, discrimination and exploitation of women.

Feminist Perspectives on Slavery:

It was Harriet Stowe’s novel, ‘Uncle Tom’s Cabin’ by that first brought the issue of slavery to public in America and even contributed to the civil war and later on public policies in the 1830s. Likewise Francis Wrights’ radical ideas that made her notorious non conventional ideas influenced the public mind. Anti-slavery and women rights campaign in the same era by the two sisters Sarah Grimlke and Angelina, beginning by their hatred for slavery for being severely reprimanded by their parents on teaching a slave companion, an illegal act then. Refusing marriage and conventional life they joined Quaker society in Philadelphia and found it too conservative. Both organized women for ‘American Anti-Slavery Society’ delivered fiery speeches, prepared pamphlets and profoundly influenced public conscience and national agenda surmounting general disliking and attempts on their lives (Becoming Human, HRQ, p.10,11).

Ms. Deborah G. White describes the plight of women slaves and the general effect of slavery on American society and culture, much neglected by male historians, in her landmark work, Aren’t I a woman?: Female slaves in the plantation south (1985). Both black and white men treated female slaves as a sexual substance, she observes. The role of slave woman and her significant contribution in the plantation economy and the division of labour based on age health and fertility status was understudied. She was grossly misunderstood as a (slave) child-breeder, a nurturer and an asexual mother (earth). Her relationship to other women, and her role in the black family and culture was rarely taken into consideration. She reveals a startling fact that post-child-bearing-age women were most often assigned heavier tasks than men. She believes that occidental, white, racist, imperial, slavocratic, and masculine mentality misrepresented female slaves under their preconceived patriarchal notions. (Deborah G. White 1985 in Thomas, G. 2005).

Slavery annulled woman’s identity as ‘women’ and their institutionalized rape was used to annihilate their and their men’s resistance. The western patriarchal mindset reduced women’s identity to objects of servitude or simply non-beings. Superimposed western notions of ‘manhood’ and ‘womanhood’ as biological facts served to continue slavery and exploitation (Davis A.Y.1971 as in James J.1998). Virginity, purity and domesticity were the defining characteristics of Victorian women, all denied to a slave women. Black women were presented as an entity without soul associated with overt sexuality and perverted behaviour, simply an animal that breeds while it is the white women who mothers. ‘White man’ was predated by ‘black women’ threatening the sanctity of white woman and her household. Not possessing a male protector, family and home – signposts of western womanhood – further added to her purported subhuman status. Surviving institutional rape constituted her demonized character because a true woman would rather prefer death than being sexually abused. Hence the interests of white men were juxtaposed with white women[3].

Institutions and practices endorsing coerced, servile or highly unequal marriages and the sale of wives and minor girls subjected to prostitution, debt-bondage, recruitment of child soldiers, traffic in persons and the sale of human organs constitute new forms of slavery even if they are embedded in cultural norms or opted out against poverty. Such Obvious forms of human rights abuses tantamount to slavery but are tolerated under institutionalised cultural and patriarchal values. The same values are sometimes somewhere translated into the legal norms (OHCHR Fact Sheet, Welch, C. E. 2009:100).

Kavin Baily argues that despite legal abolishment, sexual slavery thrives in the new global economy aligned with the mechanics of violence. For instance, young girls are commoditized in the international spots of tourism and several metropolitan capitals of the world, at times with parental consent. Far worse than the old slavery, victim women are marketed and disposed off quite quickly given their age and sexual utility. Investors from various countries are very active in this quick-to-start, low-investment, high-return business usually run in collusion with the police and high officials. Severely beaten up to submission, they are coerced or raped to elicit consent for sexual slavery. In turn the victims receive nothing save a bare minimum food and a place to squeeze in. Around 27 million people are damned to slavery or live in slave like conditions even today (Bailey, K. 1999).

The Slavery Convention 1926 defines it as “the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the powers of ownership are exercised (OHCHR).” It failed to include bonded or farm labour, child sale, pornography, genital mutilation, sexual enslavement and forced prostitution despite recommendations by certain members of the Slavery Commission. Thanks to the gender-sensitive efforts of ‘Anti Slavery’ (NGO), the Supplementary Commission of 1956 however includes a host of practices defined as contemporary forms of slavery including sexual exploitation of underage children. Despite long recognition of such practices as new forms of slavery and outright human rights abuse, its abolition is proving difficult and protracted because of the state collusion, social acceptability and underlying interests of patriarchal institutions. Feminists believe that gender equality and abrogation of culturally endorsed slavery-like practices alone can help eliminate new forms of slavery (Welch C.E. 2009:98-100).

Feminists Perspectives on Segregation:

Slavery and apartheid are squarely condemned but ironically, women’s subjugation and truncated rights of property ownership, business management, involuntary veiling, workplace discrimination, denying voting rights, confinement and even their lack of control over their own bodies are considered to be the cultural values (Fellmeth A. 2000: 695). With the commencement of Taliban regime in Afghanistan (1996), as one of the worst example, women’s rights were the first causality. Their Right to schooling, work, voting and movement were immediately suspended through enactment of such measures grossly illegal under the international law. More or less a similar situation exists in several other countries of the south (Verdirame. G. 2001: 4). Women’s disadvantageous position in the labour market is reinforced by patriarchal traditions of housekeeping, child-care and their subordinated role in society. Roles like nunnery, teaching, nursing, catering, typing, assisting, corresponding to their stereotype roles, dismisses them to become a proprietor, engineer, supervisor etc (ILO 2000: 115).

Women’s work is supposed to be under-skilled, undervalued and underpaid, all because of the public-private split in the market-sphere denying them the status of full personhood, citizenship and entitlement to human rights (SEP: 2004). Corporations and religio-political institutions, antagonizing women’s human rights, exploit public-private division by low wages, keeping women’s policy priorities secondary and sustaining inhumane conditions of work (Binyon G. 1995).

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Marxist feminists believe that the equal status of men and women in the communal forms of production was skewed in favour of men with the invention of private property and its control by men. Surplus generation thereby changed the family structure to patriarchy where women and slaves were assumed to be part of the property. Economic development proved a counterproductive force for women. Their emancipation can come through their economic liberation and equal participation in the market. Other feminists argue that women’s biosocial reproductive role must be given equal economic significance, ignored by conventional economists (Reed 1973, Leacock 1972, Saffioti 1978, Vogel & Benston 1995 as cited in SEP 2004).

Feminist Perspectives on Genocide:

Ethnic cleansing or wilful elimination of an entire social group perpetrated by the state or a powerful faction in their struggle of nation-building, state-formation or manufacturing a homogenous identity constitutes genocide. Although mass killing of men is inseparable from genocidal attacks, women are specifically subjected to brutal sexual and physical violence. In a genocidal situation the most intensive, horrifying and bestial acts of violence committed against women. Violent bands usually rape, humiliation and torture them to disgrace separatists or an adversary. Women-specific massacre has been seen in Indian Gujrat 2002, Rwanda 1994, Bosnia 1993-1995, East Pakistan 1971 and Nanjing 1937 in the near past. (Mojab, S. 2003, 1-2).

Horrendous torture was inflicted upon Tutsi women in Rwandan genocide 1994. Along with rape, spears, arrows or other sharp objects were pierced into the vaginas of women or shot into their genitals. Characteristic organs of Tutsi women such as sharp nose or long fingers were cut off. Several Tutsi women were given to Hutu men in reward of killing maximum Tutsis. Women were forced to have sex in exchange for temporary shelter or held captive for sexual slavery by the militia or military. Women were gang raped, their sexual organs were mutilated and in some cases raping corpses was also reported (AI, 2004: 2-5).

Abdomens of pregnant women were slashed open to throw their foetuses into the fire during the genocidal attack against Muslim women in Indian Gujrat 2002. Tender age children were sexually molested and burnt alive. Hindu religious symbols were cut out on the bodies of sexually assaulted women. Bharat mata, ‘the motherland of India’ was ideologically blended with the persona of Hindu women. Muslim rule in the past was interpreted as the mythological rape of Hindu women, hence justifying rape of Muslim women. In other words it was an act of reclaiming the motherland of India (IIJ, 2003: 4-21). In the former Yugoslavia public assault was used as weapon of terror and ethnic cleansing.

The pattern of violence suggests that women’s bodies were particular site of brutalities with innovative forms of torture. Their bodies were perceived to be the reproductive medium of a particular ethno-religious identity (Sarkar, T. 2002). In their violent attempt of shifting the demographic ratio, the rapists described their act as changing the victim’s identity. It reflects the nationalist patriarchal perception that male ‘germ’ constitutes one’s identity while woman’s body is just a container. Humiliating women is perceived as vital part of constructing the manly image of ‘patriotic’ attackers (Panwani J. 16, IIJ 2003: 30).

Rape often results in pregnancy, disease, divorce, stigma and stereotyping. In many cultures victim women are abandoned or killed by their male relatives to avoid ‘shame’ (Rowland, R. 1995: 12). Rape survivors, impregnated or otherwise and the widows are discriminated or ostracised within their own families and communities. Contracting HIV/AIDs, STDs[4], fistula, trauma and other psychological disorders is a lifelong ailment that causes social humiliation. Many keep silent under the fear of being stigmatized, marginalized or discriminated. During post-conflict investigations, several women told, they were guilty of being survived. Some of their own community members asked them to have cooperated with the perpetrators, if they had survived. Several women were discarded by their husbands, many could never get married and other told of not seeking medical assistance, even if it was available to conceal the fact of having been raped (Al 2004: 5-7).

Police remained either silent or collaborated with the extremist Hindu groups during the genocidal attacks in Gujrat. Several years down the road, the criminals could not be brought to justice simply because of the patriarchal and communal biases of the judges and prosecutors. The law is inherently skewed towards men. The absence of witness or rejecting women’s witness plays assists denying justice to the victim women. (AI 2005).

The Genocide Convention 1948 defines genocide as: “killing members of a group, causing serious mental or bodily harm to the members of a group, deliberate inflicting on the group the conditions calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part and imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group….. (UN CPPCG).” ‘Intent’ is considered to be a defining characteristic of genocide, emphasising on ‘the purpose of the offender’ not the ‘outcome.’ For women the ‘outcomes’ are as serious as ‘intent’. The term ‘genocide’ and its’ subsequent definition, though quite broad and rich in semantics and content, still ignores several aspects and impacts of genocide that women specifically experience. The term ‘gendercide[5]‘ i.e. sex-selective mass killing coined by Marry A. in 1985 is a theoretical breakthrough in the field of genocide research. Although ‘femicide’ and ‘gynocide’ are also used somewhere but to her keeping the term gender-neutral is important. The rubric however mostly covers humiliation and rape of women followed by murder (Gendercide Watch 2010).

Gendercide happens both in times of peace and war. Nation-building, state-formation, identity-preservation and patriarchal culture are the key culprits causing genocide. Non-state oppressive groups and communities, religious establishments and/or military are the potential perpetrators. It is not a mere coincidence that patriarchal and state violence go side by side. In-fact the state itself, all its apparatuses and institutions are inherently intertwined to serve and protect patriarchal structures. Feminists argues that violence against men is classified as a matter of public concern, calling for state intervention, while rape and torture against women as a private matter to be resolved by the individuals implicated, causing a greater barrier in seeking justice (Fellmeth, A.X 2000: 668).

The ideas and insights shared by feminist analysis of genocide calls for incorporating elements of gender in the UN Convention on Genocide. Their analysis helped adding aspects of gender to the racial, ethnic and religious groups as mentioned in the respective convention and offers policy options and strategies to prevent genocide (Mojab, S. 2003).

Conclusions:

State sovereignty and authorizing state to eliminate human rights abuses holds little value to women as it means more powers to men and patriarchal orders within the state. State sovereignty structurally undermines men’s oppression of women. Manoeuvring public-private classification men halt state intervention to eliminate injustices both at home and outside. The very division is manipulative, failing to contribute in policy measures favouring women. Women suffer violence more at the hands of men than from the state. It is one of the reasons that little changed has occurred despite state’s commitment in CEDAW to eliminate sexism from their respective societies. Several states still have reservations even to sign in on cultural grounds (Fellmeth, A. 2000: 669-677, 695).

Ideology, institutional structure and human rights practices subordinate distinctiveness of women rights, violence against women in particular. For instance, rape is far more a serious crime than simply a breach of human rights. Feminists are battling to incorporate women rights into the patriarchically defined bill of human rights that ignores several discriminations and violences suffered by women both in times of peace and war. The terms ‘people’ and ‘everyone’ used in UDHR ignores the fact that men wield more power and subjugate women in most societies.  By subordinating compliance to the culture and politics UN undermines built-in prejudices and violences against women. Male dominated definitions of ‘rights’ and ‘freedoms’ stressing rights exercised in the public sphere, makes women rights infringement invisible. The ‘declaration on the violence against women 1993′ is a milestone achievement of feminists as it acknowledges the inequities of power resulting in systematic violence and discrimination against women (Rowland, R.  1995: 9).

Both CEDAW and CEVAW[6] were brought into existence with the feminists’ efforts stating that both public and private discrimination against women violates women’s human rights calling upon member states to take action (Fraser A. 1999). It is with the feminists’ struggle that international law is progressively realizing the significance of women rights and the need of protecting them from genocide, institutionalized segregation and sexual slavery. Contrary to the conventional human rights theorization – which is abstract, deductive and hierarchical – feminist understanding is empirical and compassionate. It is self-conscious, tentative and rooted into the contemporary socio-political and economic realities. Conventional jurisprudence, essentialising human persons as legal entities, is less likely to acknowledge claims made by women. It boils down international human rights into international politics only. Therefore human rights law has been a miserable failure. In-depth analysis reveals law to be inherently a gendered and oppressive system, reflecting male interests and experiences, vehemently purported by liberal nation-states. Feminist contribution underpins the insights of life that women experience differently from women. Precisely, inclusion and plurality is the essence of feminist thought. Broader outcome of feminist contribution in human rights is not women-specific; it rather engenders a profound impact for the betterment of whole society (Binyon G. 1995: 2-5).

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References Cited:

Books, Reports and Articles:

Aaron Xavier Fellmeth 2000, Human Rights Quarterly No. 22, pp.658–733, Johns Hopkins University Press, USA.
Arvonne S. Fraser 1999, on Becoming Human: The origins and Development of Women Human Rights, No. 21.4, 853-906, John Hopkin University Press, USA.
Claude E. Welch, Jr. 2009, Human Rights Quarterly, Vol 31, 2009, The John Hopkins University Press.
International Initiative of Justice, 2003, Threatened Existence: A Feminist Analysis of the Genocide in Gujarat-
International Labour Office 2000, Woman, training, work and gender: A partnership of equals, Geneva, Occupational sex segregation, Inefficiency, rigidity and discrimination.
Kevin Baley, 1999, Slavery, Economy andDisposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy, Los Angeles, University of California Press. Human Rights Quarterly, Book Review.
Shahrazad Mojab, 2003, Kurdish Women in the zone of genocide and gendercide, Al-Raida, Volume 21, No. 103, Fall 2003,
Rowland, Robin 1995, Human rights discourses and women: Challenging the rhetoric with reality, in Symposium: Human rights and the sociological project, ANZJS Volume 31, No.2, August 1995.
Sarkar, Tanika 2002, Semiotics of Terror: Mulsim women and children in Hindu Rashtra, Economic and Political weekly, July 13, 2002.
Gayle Binyon 1995, Human Rights, A feminist perspective, Human Rights Quarterly, 17.3, 209-526, John Hopkin University Press.
Guglielmo Verdirame 2001, Testing the Effectiveness of International Norms: UN Humanitarian Assistance and Sexual Apartheid in Afghanistan, Human Rights Quarterly 23, 733–768, The Johns Hopkins University Press, USA.
Amnesty International: India: 2005, Three years later still no justice for the victims of violence in Gujrat, Public Report, 25 February 2005.

Web Sources:

Amnesty International, 05 April 2004, See: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AFR47/008/2004, Site hit on July 07, 13:14,
Definition of Feminism, Ezine Articles, See: http://ezinearticles.com/?Definition-of-Feminism&id=1697184, Site hit on July 07, 2010, at 09:26hrs
Gendercide Watch 2010, What is Gendercide,  http://www.gendercide.org/what_is_gendercide.html Site hit on July 02, 2010 at 13.hrs.
Definition of Feminism, See:  Site hit on July 07, 2010, at 12:29 hrs.
Jyoti panwani, 2003, Communalism combat completes a decade, See: Site hit on July 2010, 22:36 hrs.
OHCHR, Fact Sheet No- 14, Contemporary Forms of Slavery,  Site hit on July 08, 2010 at 12:13 hrs.
OHCHR, Slavery Convention signed at Geneva on 25 September 1926, See: Site hit on July 09, 2010 at 13:34 hrs.
OHCHR, Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery, See: http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/slavetrade.htm, Site hit on July 09, 2010 at 13:36 hrs.
Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy 2004, See:  http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminism-class/, Site hit on July 7, 2010, at 17:52 hrs.

10.  Thomas, Grg. 2005, Man and woman, slavery and empire, Reconstructing gender                 in Plantation America, GENdA, A Journal of African Culture and African Women                    Studies, Issue 7, 2005, See: , Site hit on June 28, 2010, at 13.00 hrs.

[1] The author is a peace and human rights activist and works for a an international human rights NGO in Pakistan. The article was written in July 2010.

[2] Definition of Feminism, See: http://ezinearticles.com/?Definition-of-Feminism&id=1697184

[3] Hazel H. V. Carby, 1984: Ideologies of womanhood ( as mentioned in Thomas, G. 1987:  19, 27 in JENdA),

[4] Sexually Transmitted Disease (STD),

[5] Marry A Waren first coined in the term in her book, Gendercide: The implications of sex selection in 1985. She says that, by analogy, gendercide would be the deliberate extermination of persons of a particular sex (or gender)…. The term also calls attention to the fact that gender roles have often had lethal consequences, and that these are in important respects analogous to the lethal consequences of racial, religious, and class prejudice” Her analysis mainly focuses of anti-female gendercide. Source: Gendercide Watch.

[6] Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW 1979) and  Coalition on the Elimination of Violence against Women (CEVAW)

The author is a peace and human rights activist in Pakistan
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Having made Egypt the focus of her study, Azza Karam classifies Egyptian feminism into three main groups, namely “secular”, “Muslim” and “Islamist” feminisms. Secular feminists, Karam writes, place their activities outside of the religious domain and appeal instead to concepts such as internationally recognized standards of human rights. At the other end of the spectrum, Islamist feminists operate explicitly within a religious framework and argue that women’s oppression stems from a misguided attempt to trespass on the territory of men. The just society, they argue, is the society that strives to promote “recognition and compatibility” between the sexes rather than their competition, and these feminists explicitly identify themselves as “Islamist”. Somewhere between these two positions, lies that of the “Muslim” feminists. These aim to read religious texts, such as the Qu’ran and the Sunna, from a feminist angle, with the intention of demonstrating that the notion of equality between the sexes is, far from being incompatible with Islam, in fact contained within it. Their position differs from that of their Islamist sisters in that they do not see their reading of religious texts to be part of a wider religious project, such as “Islamic fundamentalism”, a slippery term that Karam devotes many pages to unpacking. They do not share the desire for structural changes in society of the type promoted by the Islamists.

Having established this division, Karam explains the distinctions between them, first outlining gaps as  “in a state of flux and are context and issue bound”.  That is to say, members of each of these groups sometimes launch unified action in addressing specific issues, leading to the incorrect belief that they are not, in fact, distinguishable from one another.  In reality, each of the three may differ sharply as regards political position, socio-economic background, and perception of women’s position in Egyptian society and their degree of oppression.  These groups further differ as regards type and form of action to be taken regarding feminist causes.

In examining these three groups, Karam attempts to adopt an objective position as an observer.  However, as her research is from an ethnographic point of view, not to mention that she makes constant references to her own experiences and interactions with the Egyptian feminists, the book comes across as ultimately subjective.  This is most clearly observed in those instances where she speaks in the first person.  That is, the use of the “I.”

Despite subjectivity, the book is a valuable reference on the Egyptian feminist movement.  It presents the readers with accounts (in the first person)  of how the members, and the leaders, of each of these three groups view themselves, their cause, position in society, and blueprint for action.  Following from that, Karam offers an analysis of the views presented by each of the representatives of these groups, Zaynab al-Ghazali, Safinaz Qazim and Heba Raouf.

Karam then proceeds to analysis the legal status of women within the structure of Egyptian Personal Law, discussing how they are affected as a group and as individuals.  Tremendous attention is given to laws regarding nationality, labour and political rights.  While these may constitute critically important legal issues, the reader is a bit surprised that not more attention is given to the divorce system and the inherent injustice of it, as it affects both women as a group and as individuals.

In the final sections of the book, Karam reports on, and analyzes, the position of pronounced male thinkers on the status of women in Egyptian society, law and political life.  Issues such as the veil, male-female equality and women in the work place are thoroughly discussed.  Karam reaches the conclusion, adequately supported with facts, that the views of these men most closely relates to the views of the Islamist feminists, adding that it is also this group that most closely sees eye-to-eye with the state on various issues concerning feminism in Egypt.  That is to say, there is not much of an ideological struggle between the state and the Islamist feminist, leading Karam to warn that: “where the two regimes agree most, feminists lose most, since this actually means that feminists have to fight both regimes.” That is, the other two groups do not only have the popular and state views to contend with, but also that of the Islamist feminists.

The secular feminists, according to Karam’s analysis, have concluded that there is little, if any resemblance in the views espoused by the Islamist feminists and themselves.  Basing their blueprint, ideology and action plan upon internationally accepted secular feminist standards; the Egyptian secular feminist group have clashed, on numerous occasions with the Islamist feminists.  The point that Karam makes in this regard is that the secular group has an uphill battle to fight since it is the Islamist feminist ideals that are represented in the Egyptian legal system, with near complete marginalization of international feminist ideals and norms.  Accordingly, this group argues that the state is basically, to all intents and purposes, an Islamist one and call for the elimination of religious ideals/interpretations from the legal structure and the separation of politics from religion.  Needless to say, and as Karam explains, this group is not popular.  They are calling for a restructuring of the social and political orders towards the goals of establishing a system and structure that support secular feminist ideals as derived from internationally accepted standards.

In contrast to the secular call for complete secularization, supported with references to international norms, Islamist feminist refer to religious ideals for feminism.  That is, they seek support for issues raised with references to specific Quranic verses, ahadith, or instances of Sunna.  According to the way in which this group argues its cause, the final analysis is that all, regardless of gender and age, are oppressed by the Egyptian state insofar as it does not restructure itself in accordance with interpretations of political Islam.  In direct contrast to the secular feminist perception of the state as being essentially Islamist, the Islamist group perceives the states as being essentially secular.  Thus, while secular and Muslim feminists argue for legal reform and the greater education of women, Islamist feminists have tended to argue for the rejection of much existing law in favour of the total application of the Sharia in its fullest and most complete form.

Regarding the middle term in this argument, the Muslim feminists, Karam believes that they “can bridge the ideological divide between feminists, since by their very nature they combine various religious convictions coupled with an intent to shun extremism from either side.”

In general, in her survey of the current situation, Karam notes much division and not very much cooperation, probably inevitably. Nevertheless, and despite the differences, she advocates alliances being made. An example would be the campaign to combat female illiteracy, and from here, Karam suggests, “resistance” could be extended to the “hegemony” of feminist discourse. There has to be more of an effort made, she says, to bring feminists together to fight common causes, since, if there is not, the status quo will continue to benefit, and women’s oppression will in no way be ameliorated.

Discursive Analysis of Issues Raised in Karam’s Study:

A. Egyptian Secular Feminism vs. Traditionalism and Islamist

Feminism

While we may notice that the position of women in many Islamic countries,  such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and even Egypt, is characterized by her treatment as an inferior person, this does not mean that religion is the source of such injustice.  Islamic history illustrates that women have played a positive and valuable role in private and public life, helping to shape the nature of their world.  As one brief example, we can point to Ai’sha, the Prophet’s wife, who led armies into battle during the first decades of Islam.  Furthermore, both Quranic verse and the Prophet’s ahadith stress a high degree of respect for women as valuable members of their communities.  The Quran and ahadith note that women often participated in public debates with the Prophet and the early Caliphs, such as Sayidna Umar Ibn Khattab, demonstrating that Islam has a basic respect for the female’s opinion.  That is, the female was respected as a person, and her rights, were comprehensively established in the Quran.  Among these, are her marital rights, and access to divorce according to certain conditions.

The fact that many of her Islamic rights are not protected by the legal system in Moslem countries, as Egypt, has led to the development of feminist movements.  A review of the demands of Egyptian feminists shows that they mainly concentrate on the areas of marriage, divorce, and the issue of polygamy (Badran 14-15).   Such movements, and demands, are compatible with Islamic teachings and practices.  Although it is generally believed that Islam is incompatible with the demands of feminists, with Egyptian feminists generally attacked as arguing for the establishment of Western practices, this is incorrect.  The secular feminist movements in Egypt, as led by Huda Shaarawi could be defined as compatible with Islam, insofar as they seek reform of the legal and social structure that is both supported by, and non-defiant of, Islamic teaching.  Claims, as supported by Azza Karam, that the secular feminist movement in Egypt, is essentially, and inherently, opposed to Islam are not valid.  Research shows that this group is calling for a secular state but an Islamically-structured secular state.  They do oppose male-dominated misinterpretations of Quranic verse, but do not defy the Quranic teachings themselves.  Thus, rather than label this group as diametrically opposed to the Islamist group, Karam should have distinguished the second as having an inherently fundamentalist vision of Islam, while the first has a fundamentally secular vision of Islam (please note that reference to “feminist” in this section is reference to “secular feminists” as labeled by Karam).

Misinterpretations of the Quran have established a situation in which the Moslem female is denied access to her marriage rights.     According to  both Quranic verse and the Prophet’s sayings, the female has the right to “freely” choose her husband, without any outside pressure, and must have reached puberty before marriage occurs (The Chains of Law and Custom 109).  Within the marriage itself, her most basic right is that of kind treatment by her husband, demonstrating a  respect for her inherent dignity as a person.  Thirdly, Islam establishes a status of equality within marriage, whereby the husband and wife are referred to as “mates” (Quran 185).  That is, marriage is a partnership.  Current practices, however, show very little application of these marital rights, leading feminists to argue for the reformation of the Egyptian marital laws according to Islam.  Such arguments date back to Huda Sha’arwi’s campaigns in the early decades of the twentieth century which largely  concentrated on raising the legal marital age (The Chains of Law and Custom 112).  To appreciate the true significance of Shaarawi’s campaign, and the importance of its success, it should be noted that, prior to this, girls were effectively married off as young as nine (112).  The justifications for such a practice are found in both cultural traditions and impoverished economic conditions, rather than Islamic principles.  Such traditions argued for early marriage as a means of preventing the development of immoral behaviour (Badran, “Exploring Islamic Feminism” 2).  That is, early marriage was positively viewed as a means of preventing girls from the opportunity of interacting with the opposite sex.  Furthermore, as girls were viewed as a financial burden, their early marriage was also determined by poverty.  In other words, parents sought to marry off their daughters as early as possible in order to be relieved of her expenses (2).  Despite the fact that Islam establishes the female’s right to choose her husband, and forbids marriage before puberty, the Egyptian legal system did not protect, or uphold, these rights.  Basically, despite the fact that Shaarawi’s demands were attacked as being Western in nature, her campaign to raise the legal marital age was  Islamic (“Concerns of Women” 1).  Should this statement be analyzed, its validity will become very clear, as early marriage is contradictory to  Islamic practices for two main reasons.  Firstly, Islam states that a girl must reach puberty before marriage.  Secondly, she must give freely give her consent to the marriage in the presence of two witnesses.  It is difficult to imagine a nine year old fulfilling these conditions.

Throughout its history, the feminist movement in Egypt has attempted to solve the issue of marital abuse which occurs at a very high rate, especially among the lower socio-economic groups in the society (Shaarawi 143).  The majority of Egyptian women suffer regular physical abuse by their husbands and, yet, do not find any protection from the law.  Should they make an official complaint to the police, this complaint is hardly ever recorded with the justification being that Islam gave the husband the right to beat the disobedient wife (Saadawi 69-70).  Actually, this is a totally incorrect interpretation of Islam as, according to the Quranic verse which deals with this issue:

“As to those women on whose part ye fear disloyalty and ill-conduct, Admonish them (first). (Next) refuse to share their beds, (And last) beat them (lightly); but if they return to obedience, Seek not against them means (of annoyance)” (Quran 190).

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In other words, the husband has the right to “lightly beat” his wife as a last option for continued disobedience.  It does not, therefore, support physical abuse or give the male the full power to beat his wife.  As we may note from social observations, the reference to “beating” in this verse has been expanded to justify abuse.  Arguments state that Islam demands the total obedience of the wife, except in matters contradictory to the Islamic faith, and that the husband has been given the authority to force such obedience.  This is not true, as quick reference to the Quran illustrates a stress on “kind” treatment and respect for the female’s dignity (186).  In its reference to beating, this has been interpreted as a “light pat,” and never as a “license for abuse” (“Violence” 1).  Considering that Huda Shaarawi and others, such as Doria Shafiq and Ceza Nabarawi, sought the application of Islamic marital laws for the purpose of preventing early marriage, and ensuring the humane treatment of wives, they are to be considered Islamic feminists.

Feminist campaigns for the reformation of divorce laws have often been dismissed as contradictory to Islam, despite their being based on both the Quran and the ahadith.  According to the Egyptian Personal Status Law, the husband has the full authority to divorce his wife, without giving any cause, or offering any explanation, for his actions.  Furthermore, it also gives him the power to remarry her at will, and without her consent, during the specified “edda” period of  three months from the date of divorce (Legal Rights of …, 19-20).  While the Quran gives the male access to both these practices, it places restrictions on their application.  Accordingly,  the cause of divorce must be stated, should only occur when life as husband and wife has become impossible, and remarriage should be with the wife’s consent (“Gender Equality in Islam” 3).

Within a system that ignores Islamic principles regarding the female’s marital rights, the wife’s position is always very unstable.  For this reason both early, and modern day, feminists argued for the placement of regulations on the male’s esma power, further calling for a complete reformation of the divorce laws according to the sharia (Khatar and Nelson 469).  According to the study presented by Dr. Zeinab Radwan, the Egyptian legal system has offered a partial response to this by taking measure that would ensure, at least, that the wife is informed of divorce:

“Law no. 100/1985 item 5 requires the husband who divorces the wife to notarize the divorce before the Ma’zoun within 30 days from the date of the divorce.  To gaurentee that the wife does not remain ignorant of the divorce, the law requires the Ma’zoun to notify her … to protect the wife in case the husband keeps the divorce secret from her, her right to inherit … are not affected until she learns of the divorce.”

Despite the above, however, much has yet to be achieved to establish the female’s right post divorce and pre-divorce.  Feminists have argued that the legal system’s failure to place restriction on the use of the esma, had effectively transformed it into a weapon to ensure the wife’s obedience, and even acceptance of mistreatment (“Violence” 2).  That is, the wife is constantly threatened by the existence of the esma, as her husband’s unrestricted access to divorce, and consequently can suffer mistreatment in silence, rather than argue for her rights (“Violence” 1).  Naturally, she fears that such arguments and demands could lead to her divorce.  Therefore, although Egyptian law claims that it supports the husband’s unrestrained use of the esma as it is an Islamic principle, this is not true.  Noting the consequences and implications of such authority, it is mistake to believe that Islam, which advises husbands and wives to live together “on a footing of kindness and equality” (Quran 185), would propose such abuse.  It is true that Islam gave the male the power of the esma, but the Quran stresses that husbands must “practice self-restraint” in using it (Quran 221).  Thus, it is not a weapon to be used in a moment of anger in response to the disobedience of the wife, nor should it occur without the consent, or knowledge, of the female.  Here the Quran very clearly states that it should take the form of  “an amicable settlement” to be discussed by both the husband and the wife (220).   In noting Islam’s emphasis on marriage occurring with the explicit agreement of the female to a specific mate, it is a logical assumption that this religion would not totally ignore the wife’s opinion regarding  her own divorce.  It is necessary, however, to clarify that the Egyptian law does make some minor concessions to the considerations noted and nullifies divorce that occurs “if the man was forced or drunk,” or “if it was conditioned, i.e. … if the man told his wife “if you went out, you will be divorced” (Radwan).

Similar to its failure to regulate the esma according to the dictates of Islamic sharia, until recently the Egyptian Personal Status Law failed to uphold the wife’s right to obtain a divorce according to specific justifications.  The effective prisoning of the wife within a marriage, had led both Shaarawi and Islamic thinkers such as Mohammed Abdou and Sayyid Qutb to argue for reformations in Egypt’s divorce laws (“Divorce” 1).  While the female did have the right to submit a legal request for divorce, cases stayed in court for periods which could last up to 15 years, with the majority of requests finally being denied (1).  The greatest majority of these denials was justified in terms of the wife’s failure to provide reasons for her divorce petition (“Divorce” 2).  That is, even if she claimed abuse, the courts refused to accept this claim unless her actual abuse had been witnessed by two males, or one male and two women, and they testify to this in court (2).  This, and other conditions to the courts’ granting the wife’s divorce petition, effectively denied Egyptian females access to this Islamic right.  The fact is that  the Quran gives the woman who is being treated “cruelly” by her husband, the full right to receive, and request a divorce (Quran 220).   Furthermore, the ahadith emphasize that the Prophet had upheld this right, and had supported one wife’s request for divorce due to the simple fact that she did not love her husband, despite her own admission that he was a `good’ person, and a `good’ husband (Badran “Exploring Islamic Feminism” 3).  The recent introduction of the Khula law amended the situation, and gave Egyptian women access to immediate divorce, on the established Islamic condition that she give up her right to alimony and muakhar, considering that the divorce is her request.   In reviewing this particular feminist concern, and demand, we note that it has been defined according to the goal of establishing social rights through the implementation of the sharia.  Thus, one clearly sees that feminism and Islam are compatible.

The period following World War II witnessed extreme developments in the Egyptian feminist movement, with concerns expanding to include the issue of polygamy. Shaarawi had dies, but others as Doriya Shafik had emerged (Khater and Nelson 465-466).  The most important difference between the pre-World War II movement and the post World War II one,  was that the first had been confined to the aristocratic classes, while the second had expanded to include the middle classes (466).  This development led to the definition of new social concerns, seeing that different social classes can have different problems.  The primary one was polygamy, which occurred at a very high rate among the Egyptian middle class (Badran “Exploring Islamic Feminism” 4).  As stated by the Egyptian feminist, Nawal al Saadawi, restraints have to be placed on the practice of polygamy, insofar as the Personal Status Law allowed the male to marry up to four wives, unconditionally (16).  The fact is, Islam placed very strict conditions to this practice, with the first being ish’har, and the second equality of treatment.  That is, polygamy has to be made public, with the first wife knowing that her husband had taken a second wife.  Until recently, the Egyptian legal system did not include this condition, and wives were often unaware of the existence of another wife (“Gender Equality” 4).   Feminists movements in Egypt demanded that polygamy laws be reformed to include the Islamic condition of ish’har, and the knowledge of the first wife (4).  As they stressed, Islam had also given the wife the right to include her terms regarding polygamy in her marriage contract, seeking the application of these principles in the Personal Status Law (4).    Namely, she may record her right to divorce if her husband takes on another wife (4).  As it was practiced, the wife did not even have the most basic right of knowing that her husband was married to another woman. Thus, upon entering into marriage, a wife has the option of including the condition that her husband not take a second wife without informing her first, and giving her the right to divorce if he does (Legal Rights … 19-20).  In other words, Islam does not enforce a situation of polygamy on a wife, and in their anti-polygamy campaigns, early Egyptian feminists argued just that (Shaarawi 111).  Accordingly, they successfully campaigned for the female’s right to include her objection to such a situation in the marriage contract (Legal Rights of …, 20).  In other words, they argued for the application of polygamy according to the Islamic concept of social justice, and the even more explicit principle of ish’har..

Similar to having named ish’har as a condition to polygamy, or marriage as such, the Quran further defined equal treatment between wives as an inarguable condition.  On the basis of both Quranic verses and ahadith dealing with the condition, Egyptian feminists have argued that polygamy is not favored by Islam (Badran 79).  To support their argument, they point to perceived contradictions regarding this specific right, within the Quran.  Thus, Verse three, from the fourth Quranic sura states the following:

” … you may marry other women who seem good to you; two, three, or four of them, but if you fear you cannot maintain equality among them, marry only one …” (“The Chains of Law and Custom” 120).

Then verse 129 from the same sura states:

“Try as you may, you cannot treat all your wives impartially …” (“The Chains of Law and Custom” 121).

Thus, according to the applied interpretation, polygamy is both recognized and established in Islam, with specific conditions attached to its practice.  According to modern feminist interpretations, it is not sanctioned by Islam as Verse 129 effectively states that the condition for polygamy, can not be fulfilled.  While this is a highly controversial issue which can never be fully settled to the satisfaction of all parties involved, the fact remains that the sunna, or the applied Islamic lifestyle of the Prophet, did sanction polygamy, but only as according to the condition mentioned.  In their arguments concerning polygamy, Egyptian feminists have argued for the placement of such legal restraints as would ensure equality in treatment, at least with regards to money (Badran 121).  According to observations would illustrated that a husband tended to neglect his financial duties regarding one of his wives, showing an inclination to be more generous with the other, feminists have argued that the legal system force financial equality (122).  While this may seem a very extreme demand, the fact is that it is not at all contradictory to Islam.  One may even argue that it is completely compatible with Islam, insofar as it only seeks the most basic application of the condition of equality.

In essence, the cause of feminism is valid within Islam, and female rights are established within this religion.  Arguments for equality are not contradictory to Islam, as proven by the fact that feminists concentrated their demands on the application of the sharia, insofar as they recognized that it supported their cause.  Basically, these feminists have tried to establish the Egyptian woman’s social rights, as granted to her in Islam, accordingly arguing against the failure of the Personal Status Law to establish her marital rights, to outline correct divorce procedures, and to outline the conditions of polygamy.  The fact that the Egyptian female is abused in the areas of marriage, divorce and polygamy is not due to Islam, but to the failure to apply Islam in national laws.

Essentially, this section has tried to argue that female rights are established within Islam and that the Quran. As a religion, it does not define the female as inferior to the male, not does it give her a  secondary position.  In fact, the aims of feminists do not contradict with Islamic teaching, and are often established through correct application of the sharia.  In assessing the cause of feminism, it can be concluded that their demands are compatible with Islam, to the extent that they may be called, as Margot Badran says, “Islamic feminists” despite secular demands (Badran “Exploring Islamic Feminism” 1)..  This group is secular only in contrast to the radically Islamicist world-view of that group which Karam defines as “Islamist.”  Interestingly, and critically important, is that both Badran and Karam have very different interpretations for Islamist feminism.

B.  FGM (Female Genital Mutilation)

Female Genital Mutilation is believed to have started in Egypt 2,000 years ago and spread from there.  Only a few years ago, FGM was considered a cultural tradition, but now the United Nations has labeled it as a violation of human rights.  Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United States has declared Female Genital Mutilation grounds for seeking asylum and is a punishable offense (Mason).

Most in the West had not heard of  Female Genital Mutilation until the story of Kauziya Kasinga, a woman from West Africa.  Her father did not believe in polygamy, forced marriage, or “female circumcision”.  He died when she was 17 and the father’s sister inherited the home, banished the mother, ended Fauziya’s schooling, and arranged a marriage as a fourth wife to a man she had never met.  The aunt scheduled her for the circumcision and she ran with 3,000 dollars that one of her aunts had saved.

What is female circumcision?   The female genital mutilation term covers three main varieties of genital mutilation (“Female Genital Mutilation: An Introduction.”).  There is the “sunna circumcision”; this consists of removal of the prepuce and/or the tip of the clitoris.  Ironically, sunna in Arabic means “tradition”.  This is done because it is believed that the clitoris is a very dangerous part of the female anatomy.  In our culture, Freud stated in his book, Sexuality and the Psychology of Love, that the “elimination of clitoral sexuality is a necessary precondition for the development of femininity.  In 1979, the “Love Surgery” was performed on women in the United Sates.  Dr. James Burt, the “Love Surgeon”, introduced “clitoral relocation” (sunna circumcision) to the medical field.  He believed and acted upon the idea that excision does not prevent sexual pleasure, but enhances it.  Dr. Burt practiced in Ohio for almost ten years before he was exposed after which he gave up his license.

Clitoridectomy, also referred to as excision, removes the entire clitoris and the removal of the labia. Thirdly, there is a procedure called an infibulation.  This is the most extreme form of circumcision, it consists of the removal of the clitoris, the labia, and the joining of the scraped sides of the vulva across the vagina, where they are secured with thorns or sewn with thread.  A small opening is kept to allow passage of urine and menstrual blood.  A woman with this type of circumcision must be cut open to allow intercourse on the wedding night and is closed again afterwards to secure fidelity to the husband. It is sometimes opened to allow childbirth, but is sewn up again.  In some cultures, the husband will cut her open to have sex with her. In males, you would have to remove the entire penis and testicles (castration) to compare this with infibualtion (“Female Genital Mutilation.” ).  This was done in the Catholic Church to get men to sing soprano.  It is no longer permitted and has been outlawed by the Pope.  It was also done to men who worked in harems so that they would not have sex with the girls.

Female genial mutilation is mainly practiced in the African culture.  It is also practiced in Christian, Judaism, Aboriginal, and Islamic cultures.  FGM is not religious, but is a social custom (“Female Genital Mutilation.”  ).  In some countries it is almost universal.  There are over 30 million women currently living in Nigeria that have been circumcised and 24 million in Ethiopia and Eritrea.  Some groups say that 114 to 130 million women worldwide have had the operation.  FGM has spread worldwide with immigrants coming from Africa and other nations that accept this practice.  It is outlawed in the United States, but the practice is still done.  Specialists in Denver, CO reported in 1998 that at least 6,000 immigrants have settled in the area from African countries, which widely practices FGM. Dr. Terry Dunn, director of a women’s clinic in that city commented: “I know of one patient where it was clear it was performed in this country.”  About 4 mutilation cases are seen each year at the clinic (“Female Genital Mutilation.”).

Female Genital Mutilation can be done at any age depending on the culture.  Most cultures do it at the age of puberty; some do it at birth.  The justification for the operation appears to be largely grounded in the desire to terminate or reduce feelings of sexual arousal in women so that they will be much less likely to engage in pre-marital intercourse or adultery.  The clitoris has a lot of nerve endings, and this gives feelings of sexual arousal when stimulated.

Women in countries that practice FGM who don’t get circumcised have a hard time finding marriage partner and being chastised by other women and men.  If you are not married say in an African tribe you have no usefulness.  Family honor, cleanliness, protection against spell, insurance of virginity and faithfulness to the husband or simply terrorizing women out of sex are sometimes used as excuses for the practice of FGM.  In Muslim countries men prefer circumcised wives because they are more likely to be faithful.  Other claims in support of FGM are (“Female Mutilation in Africa, Middle East and Far East.” ):

a. The clitoris is dangerous and must be removed for health reasons.  They believe that if it is a poisonous organ, which can cause a man to sicken or die if contacted by a man’s penis.  Others believe that men can become impotent by contacting a clitoris, or that a baby will be hydrocephalic (born with “water on the brain”) if its head contacts the clitoris during birth.  Some believe that the milk of the mother will become poisonous if her clitoris touches the baby.

b. If the clitoris is removed along with the labia is eliminates bad genital odors.

c. FGM prevents vaginal cancer

d. An unremoved clitoris can lead to masturbation or lesbianism.

e. FGM prevents nervousness from developing in girls

f. It prevents the face from turning yellow.

g. It makes the woman’s face more beautiful.

h. If FGM is not done, older men may not be able to match their wives’ sex drive and may have to resort to illegal stimulating drugs.

i. An intact clitoris generates sexual arousal in women can cause neuroses if repressed.

These claims appear to have little support outside of countries where FGM is common.

FGM was started during the “al-gahiliyya” (translates into “Era of Ignorance”).  The Bible is silent on the subject, but the Sunnah (words and actions of the Prophet Mohammed) contains a number of references to female circumcision.  One passage is recorded between Mohammed and Um Habibah, a woman who performed infibulation on slaves.  She said she would continue to do it unless he forbade it and until Mohammed ordered her to stop doing it.  He replied, “Yes, it is allowed.  Come closer so I can teach you; if you cut, do not overdo it because it brings more radiance to the face and it is more pleasant for the husband”( Abu-Sahlieh).

Nawal El-Saadawi, a Muslim circumcised woman, stated (El-Saadawi):

“The importance given to virginity and an intact hymen in these societies is the reason why female circumcision still remains a very widespread practice despite a growing tendency, especially in urban Egypt, to do away with it as something outdated and harmful.  Being circumcision lies the belief that, by removing parts of girls’ external genital organs, sexual desire is minimized.  This permits a female who has reached the dangerous age of puberty and adolescence to protect her virginity, and therefore her honor, with greater ease.  Chastity was imposed on male attendants in the female harem by castration, which turned them into inoffensive eunuchs.  Similarly female circumcision is meant to preserve the chastity of young girls by reducing their desire for sexual intercourse.”

The danger in FGM is the unsanitary conditions that these procedures take place in.  A midwife or holy woman uses an unclean sharp instrument such as a razorblade, scissors, kitchen knives, and pieces of glass.  These instruments are frequently used on several girls in succession and are rarely cleaned, causing the transmission of a variety of viruses such as HIV or hepatitis.  Beyond the pain, there are long-term physiological, sexual, and psychological effects, which have been reported from those who have been circumcised.  The infections are the biggest problem.  There are reports of death from shock and hemorrhage.  Long-term complications include sexual frigidity, genital malformation, chronic pelvic complications, recurrent urinary infection and retention, and all obstetric complications, such as the fetus being exposed to disease, having the child’s head crushed in the birth canal.  Some women must undergo another operation to be “opened” to let the baby out.

When Fauziya Kasinga let her story be known the United Nations and other countries decided to take this problem head on.  They have refused to give loans to nations that refuse to stop the practice of FGM.  The New Woman Research Center in Egypt says the decision to codify FGM instead of criminalizing it had nothing to do with religion or morality, but is instead “a decision to codify the control of women, and codify violence against them, in addition to decodify the inferior status in society” (9).

The UN Human Right Conference in Vienna, has classified as a human rights violation and is a criminal offense and against the statutes of national and international medical associations.

UNICEF and UNDP want to stop this.  They say that it is “absolutely certain that if similar tortures were inflicted on boy children the whole world would rise up to stop it by all means”.FGM, or female circumcision as it is termed in Egypt, has been an important issue for women’s rights activists in Egypt. According to various studies, those who practice FGM believe it to be a “good tradition,” in that it controls both female sexuality and enhances fertility. In fact, it has decidedly negative effects on women’s reproductive and psychological health

Estimates indicated that 50 to 60% of Egyptian women have been circumcised. The reason that the figures are quite high is related to the class divisions in Egyptian society. The far more numerous lower classes, both Christians and Muslims, follow this Nile valley tradition, while the families of Turco-Circassian derivation, the main segment of the small historic elite, do not.(“Female Genital Mutilation”)  Furthermore, some prominent Islamists asserted that FGM is an Islamic practice. For example, the Al-Azhar mosque-university, which has played a role in promoting family planning, has produced conflicting statements on FGM, and has not strongly opposed the practice.

New data has suggested that the practice is much more pervasive than was previously admitted. A 1995 EDHS (Egypt Demographic Health Survey) showed that 97% of Egyptian women who have been married (“ever-married women” including divorcees and widows) are circumcised.(“Female Genital Mutilation”) A separate clinic-based study confirmed these results. Although the study cannot tell us how many young girls are being circumcised today, it does illustrate the magnitude of the issue. Thus, FGM continues despite the attention originally drawn to this issue by Nawal al-Saadawi many years ago; articles by feminists and journalists; local feminist endeavors including creative anti-FGM advertising; and increasing rates of female education.

The FGM Task-Force headed by Marie Assaad was established in 1994 operating under the National NGO Commission for Population and Development. It has created research, mobilization, and advocacy groups, with a center for documents and media reports on FGM. Yet despite the Task Force’s attempts to show that it is a form of violence against women, this procedure will apparently continue so long as Egyptians believe that it makes their daughters more marriageable and moral.

Somewhat paradoxically, several key members of the Task Force did not support the 1996 ban on FGM in government hospitals and clinics. They thought it was better for women’s health to insist that any FGM be supervised by doctors, taking it out of the hands of midwives and barbers, who often perform it. This meant that some feminists opposed to any form of FGM were in conflict with the Task Force’s strategy.

The ban on FGM in government hospitals, it is interesting to note, came about because of public controversy generated by international media coverage. When CNN broadcast footage of a circumcision, the producer and network faced legal charges for supposedly promoting a negative image of Egypt. The charges were dropped, and the minister of health denounced FGM, issuing decree 261 in 1996 forbidding FGM in governmental medical hospitals and clinics. The decree was challenged in the courts and overturned, but was reinstated in 1997.

Conclusion

As seen from the “analysis offered through independent research, Azza Karam offers views and perceptions that serve as a starting point for interesting research into several related areas and issues.  Some may offer different conclusions or definitions then those forwarded by Karam as, for instance, Islamist feminism as opposed to the secular form.  The point is that objective analysis of sensitive socio-cultural issues such as this are near-impossible.  Therefore, uncovering different opinions does not mean a flaw in Karam’s book but, rather a different stand.

Works Cited

Primary Source

Karam, Azza M.  Women, Islamisms and the State: Contemporary Feminism in Egypt. London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1998.

Paper

Radwan, Zeinab.  “Islamic Law and Women in the Modern World.”  Arab Republic of Egypt: Cairo University, 1996. (author is Chairman and Professor of Islamic Philosophy; Vice-Dean for Student and Education Affairs at the Faculty of Arabic and Islamic Studies, Cairo University).

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How to choose your heels?

First, check the strength of your heels. Some shoes have heels very thin and can not resist if you need to dance all night. The quality or strength of the heel is often a function of price. Be very cautious!

Now first exercise is to stand in high heels, just to test balance. It is better to put a mirror in front just to appreciate the presence. The goal is to remove the fear of falling when you invade your heels and are just a few inches off the ground. To shine in society you have to feel good in shoes.

Now that you feel comfortable, you should take a few steps and should try to feel good sensations that the classic high heels provide. You must keep the legs straight and tightened when you walk. Do some training, and in no time to walk with heels would be as natural as breathing.

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But why wear?

For elegance

Despite the discomfort it brings, high heels have advantages, mainly in terms of seduction … It is no secret to anyone: high heels give look for women. In addition to help you win a few centimeters, they add to your style.Your body is more refined. Your legs appear longer and body more shapely. In addition, they get married to any style that you wear jeans or an evening gown.

For sensuality

In addition to these the high heels provide more sensual “benefits”. You walk with your head right and watch your step, if only to keep the balance. At the same time, you will feel more daring, more feminine, more attractive.

For pleasure!

There’s more. The urologist Italian Maria Cerruto claims that wearing high heels enhances the strength of pelvic muscles which helps to get better orgasms. These bodies help in the sexual performance and provide support for the pelvic organs, including the bladder, intestines and uterus.

Final Touch

Now to complete your hidden desire to become one hot bombshell – A pair of stilettos that forcefully punctures the carpet, lengthens your legs, highlights your chest and butt is what you need.

Stilettos got its name from a weapon, and stilettos still function as a weapon. They capture men, to turn them dying from the heat of attraction, and make them follow your orders as you wish. They too can be used against other women as a symbolic weapon to make you stand above others who keep on trying to bring you down.

The sexy stilettos heels of the stilettos mirror the sexiness of the female body, which makes people associate erotic tendencies in such heels. The sexy heels lengthen the legs, reduce their width, and render the feet very small. Aside from this, they also enhance the posture of the body since the butt flexes backward and the chest moves forward as a woman wears the shoes.

So now want to dress up sexy and seductive just pull up a pair of these Stiletto boot and get ready to go and conquer the world.
The author Katie is a content writer of the Sexyshoes.co.uk, and its co-sites. She wrote many artilcies on high heels, womens shoes, sexy stilettos and sexy shoes for men and women.
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Age

The Employment Equality (Age) Regulations, which came into force on 1 October 2006, aim to achieve equal treatment in employment and vocational training to eradicate discrimination on the grounds of age.

It is unlawful to make employment decisions based on a person’s age. Retirement ages below 65 are unlawful unless they can be objectively justified.

This employment legislation also removes the upper age limits for unfair dismissal rights and statutory redundancy payments. Having a compulsory retirement age of 65 or over is not age discrimination, but you must make sure that you follow new statutory procedures. These include giving employees at least six months’ notice of their intended date of retirement and notifying them that they have the right to request to continue working beyond either the default retirement age or the normal retirement age set by the employer. Employers have a duty to consider such a request. It is therefore important to be aware of forthcoming retirements and to have the necessary systems in place for notifying employees and dealing with requests to continue working.

Create an age profile of existing staff so that you can plan for retirements. This can also be used to aid your recruitment policy, rectifying any obvious age imbalance in the workforce, and to ensure that equal access is given to training and other opportunities.
 Disability Under the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 (DDA), it is unlawful for employers to treat a disabled person less favourably than they would a non-disabled person or someone without that particular disability, unless it can be demonstrated that the treatment in question is justified. The DDA also states that employers must make reasonable alterations to the physical working environment and working conditions of any disabled employees so that they are not disadvantaged by their needs. The definition of ‘disability’ is a bit wider than you would think.

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Sex

The Sex Discrimination Act 1975 outlaws discriminatory practices on grounds of sex in connection with recruitment, promotion, dismissal and access to benefits, services or facilities. In addition, there is a specific prohibition against harassment, sexual harassment and conduct of a sexual nature. The Equal Pay Act 1970 gives protection against discriminatory terms and conditions of employment, particularly pay and eligibility for pension scheme membership, where the difference is on the grounds of sex.

Race

The Race Relations Act 1976 makes it unlawful to discriminate against an employee because of their colour, race, nationality, ethnic or national origins. Where a prima facie case is established that the employer’s conduct is discriminatory, it is then up to them to demonstrate that it is not. Sometimes, what may appear to be a non-discriminatory requirement or condition, which applies equally to everyone, can be indirectly discriminatory. This could be because it can only be met by a smaller proportion of people that belong to a specific racial group.

Sexual Orientation

Discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation in an employment or vocational context is unlawful under The Employment Equality (Sexual Orientation) Regulations 2003.

The employment law status of a civil partner under the Regulations is comparable with that of a spouse. A civil partner who is treated less favourably than a married person in similar circumstances can bring a claim for sexual orientation discrimination. It is also unlawful to discriminate against transsexuals under the Sex Discrimination (Gender Reassignment) Regulations 1999.

Religion or Belief

Discrimination on grounds of religion or belief in an employment or vocational context is unlawful under The Employment Equality (Religion or Belief) Regulations 2003. It is important for employers to be aware of the requirements of an employee’s religion in order to ensure that employment policies and practices, even though they apply to all employees, do not put an individual member of staff at a particular disadvantage. Failure to allow employees to take time off for religious holidays and festivals can be classed as indirect discrimination.

There is no upper limit to the amount that can be awarded to claimants in discrimination cases.

In addition, recent employment law cases have seen employers found vicariously liable, under the Protection from Harassment Act 1997, for bullying and harassment of one employee by another in the workplace where there is a sufficiently clear link between the work and the harassment. It is key to have a clearly-defined equality policy in place, although this is not always enough to meet the legal requirements. You must take positive action that will enforce it and get rid of any behaviour from other employees that could cause anxiety or distress. Any incidence of such behaviour must be dealt with at once to the satisfaction of the alleged victim.

With unlimited amounts that can be awarded for successful discrimination cases in the employment tribunal, every employer should make sure that their policies and practice a lot discriminate for you anyway.

If faced with a discrimination problem, employers should always seek legal advice from a solicitor specialising in employment law discrimination.

Bonallack & Bishop are specialist Discrimination Solicitors with particular experience of Disability Discrimination Law. Tim Bishop is senior partner at the firm, responsible for all major strategic decisions. He has grown the firm by 1000% in 12 years and has plans for its continued expansion.
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In the late 80′s and the mid 90′s, Sustanon 250 was highly adored testosterone version. Sustanon 250 has several testosterone esters with different action continuations. As soon as the esters enter the general circulation, they get hydrolyzed into the natural hormone testosterone. As with other testosterones, Sustanon 250 is an androgenic steroid with a distinct anabolic effect. Thus, weightlifters, bodybuilders, jocks, runners normally use Sustanon 250 to put on mass and size while escalating potency.

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The use of Sustanon 250 causes less water retention and estrogenic side effects, which is really helpful to muscle-builders suffering from gynecomastia. This property of Sustanon 250 makes it a desirable steroid for jocks enthusiastic about cutting up or building a solid foundation of quality mass.

Some of the side effects associated with Sustanon 250 are acne, disturbance of liver function, polycythaemia, hypertension, weight gain (in female-to-male transsexuals), water and sodium retention, oligospermia, decreased ejaculatory volume, priapism and other signs of excessive sexual stimulation. The Sustanon 250 side effects that appear in pre-pubertal boys include precocious sexual development, an increased frequency of erections, phallic enlargement and premature epiphyseal closure.

Sustanon 250 can be used with caution in boys who have not yet reached puberty, elderly people, decreased kidney or liver function, heart problem, high blood pressure (hypertension), epilepsy, migranes, diabetes, cancer, sleep apnea, blood clotting disorders. Sustanon 250 can not be used in prostate cancer, breast cancer in men, kidney inflammation and high calcium amount. Sustanon 250 is not recommended for women.

Normally, Sustanon 250 can be taken intravasculary at least once a week that can be stretched up to 10 days. The quantity in muscle building and power lifting ranges from 250 mg every 14 days up to 1000 mg or more a day. A dose of 500 mg/week is enough for the majority of jocks, and can often be diluted to 250 mg/week by blending with an oral steroid. To gain mass rapidly, Sustanon 250 is often taken in conjunction with Deca Durabolin, Dianabol (D-bol) or Anadrol. Parabolan, Winstrol, Anavar or Primobolan Depot.
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Sexy women’s shoes are an integral part of your overall personality. They add an element of grace to your persona and make you look very graceful. Whether it be the stilletoes, the pumps or the elegant boots, the sexy women’s shoes  have a concept behind it which lends them an attitude.

The super sexy high heel shoes give an elegant undertone to your overall personality. The elegant, classy and unique high heel shoes give you a very bold look and accentuates the beauty of your beautiful legs. The bold an attractive colors further add to the beauty of these shoes and surely help you to look like a diva.

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Apart from the high heels and the pumps, the sexy boots also add tremendous glaze to your overall personality. The knee high and the thigh high boots will surely dress you for the kill! These boots can also be used as a stand alone dress to create a hallucinating effect on your partner. The sexy boots also blend perfectly with your sexy lingerie helping to create that perfect image.

Sexy Lingerie is a true expression of freedom for the females. The lingerie is specifically designed to enhance the appearance of your assets. It involves the use of nets and frills which produce a mesmerizing effect and enhance your sex appeal. The sensuous and pristine colors create a distinct aura and makes you look like a Greek goddess.

The sexy costume like the school girls dress also proves to be very helpful in achieving that innocent school girl look. The mini skirts and the short tops compliment your assets perfectly and make you look like the naughty school girl who is ready for her next prank! Even the wicked lingerie which comes with a complete set of masks and feathers help you to achieve that fairy look to take your partner’s breath away.

Satin Bedding offers sexy women’s shoes. the website satinbedding provides complete information about the company.
Satin Bedding is one of the leading online purveyor of Lingerie, Costumes Bedding, and sexy shoes. It offers Dazzling Collections of Sensual Luxury Bedding, Lovely Dresses, Satin Evening gowns, plus a huge array of Sexy high heels. hot lingerie. One such place where you can get Sexy Women’s Shoes.
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Talking about Southern India reminds one of the enormous varieties of silk sarees that are found in this part of the country. Indian south silk sarees are so popular that they are becoming one of the most popular exports for the country. There are various other varieties of silk sarees that are both found online as well in the various retail stores located in every corner of the corner. Some of the popular forms of silk sarees are Samu silk saree, Paithani sarees, Butter silk saris, cot silk saris, Indian katan silk sarees and Mysore silk saree. The history of the Indian saris can be dated back to over 5000 years. The versatility of the dress is such that any designer would find it ideal to experiment with it. Art silk sari and printed silk sari are some of the more popular forms of designer saris that are in vogue today.

There are various materials that the saris can be developed with. Silk, cotton, georgette, chiffon and many other materials can be used. Draping is one of the most the important factors behind making even a less expensive sari look smashing. The sari is worn with a long underskirt or ‘Petticoat’ and a ‘Blouse’ to cover the upper torso. One end of the sari is wrapped around the waist while the other end (‘Pallu’) is draped over the shoulders (generally the left one). There are various handmade saris in the market that are home made by the artisans such as ethnic kanchipuram saris, classic paithani sarees, handloom silk saree, jamdani silk saris, etc. The handmade saris are found in the handlooms spanning in various parts of the country.

Sari shops can be found without difficulty at all but if you are looking to buy them online, only select few websites offer genuine quality sarees. Won’t it be a grand idea to sit back at home, relax and buy online kanjeevaram saris? RathiCreations is the ideal and most secure place to do the same!

Rathi Creations is a one-stop destination to buy various types of saris. They specialize in silk saris of all kinds. From hand-made ones to the machine-manufactured ones, they have it all.
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